What the EU really thinks about the Brexit reset

Depending on who you ask, the Great British Reset is either a critical policy on which the government is making steady progress; a thorny process that is being slow-rolled so as not to spook Brexiteers; or simply doesn’t exist beyond government spin. 

Whatever political tribe you come from, most sensible people agree that the truth lies somewhere between the two latter options. Sure, Starmer has visited European counterparts and conducted his business with a considerably friendlier tone than any of his post-Brexit predecessors. This, and now his willingness to lead on security in a changed world where America is palling up with Putin has been noted and appreciated in Brussels.

There, the idea of resetting the UK-EU relationship is welcome. But a priority? No. It might be hard for British audiences to understand, but even before Trump’s earthquake, Brussels has quite a lot on its plate and isn’t hugely interested in Britain’s political psychodrama. 

That isn’t Euro-aloofness or post-Brexit sour grapes, just a realistic assessment of what challenges the continent faces, what damage they might do to the EU and what Brussels can meaningfully do about them. That is largely what dictates where individual challenges rank in their importance.  

For example: The EU can respond to Trump’s threats of tariffs more easily than it can his threats to withdraw from NATO. US tariffs would have an immediate impact on the EU economy, but the EU could immediately retaliate. 

European defence, however, is a longer-term policy challenge that would require new mechanisms at a European level, which would take time to agree. Therefore, tariffs are the more immediate concern so receive more attention at a European level. 

By comparison, the post-Brexit question for Brussels is largely settled. On the whole, officials are happy with the current arrangement. “The Windsor Framework is a good outcome for us to fall back on,” says one diplomat based in the European Commission. To translate that: the EU isn’t actively seeking a new arrangement with Britain, so if a reset is to happen, Britain needs to put some options on the table. 

From the EU perspective, before the talk that youth mobility was now on the table, Starmer had not moved beyond warm words or simply saying he wanted a reset. Another EU official told me recently that Starmer’s greatest achievement thus far was getting the British public to believe that the reset even exists – as they’re yet to see any evidence. 

Naturally, all eyes are now on the UK-EU summit that will take place on May 19 in Brussels. It stands to reason that the issues up for discussion will be removing barriers to security, trade and the agreement on fisheries – which is up for renegotiation next year. 

But according to sources on both sides of the channel, nothing is yet set in stone. When asked if the UK has any solid proposals along these lines ready to go, British government officials are at best coy. “There aren’t any formal proposals even put forward at this stage so nothing has been agreed,” says a British official working on the reset. Even the new optimism on youth mobility is described as “speculation from EU figures.”

Brexit veterans will be used to this kind of language – suggesting that roadblocks are coming from Brussels, not London. EU sources reject this characterisation, saying that unsubtle noises have been made suggesting that Britain could get something out of Brussels if it plays its trump cards on security, for example.

Commission sources also privately say that the memory of the first Brexit negotiations are still painful. That, they say, is why the EU’s Brexit negotiator, Maros Sefcovic, recently suggested that the Europeans would be open to Britain joining the Pan-Euro-Mediterranean (PEM), a pact that simplifies rules of origin and therefore lowers barriers to trade between its signatories. 

Basically, Europe doesn’t want to be blamed by the UK for the reset stalling or made to be the bogeyman – as happened throughout the Brexit negotiation years. Officials in Brussels say it’s absolutely wild that Britain fired the starter pistol on a reset, but to date, only the EU has put anything resembling a solid proposal forward, which they firmly believe is not their job. 

At this point, you’d again be forgiven for saying: “so what? It’s not the end of the world if Britain and the EU continue this dance where nothing happens, but nothing really bad happens.” And that would be a reasonable assumption. However, as most Brits increasingly support closer ties to the EU, the longer the UK does nothing, the harder it will be to get Brussels’ attention. 

This is the danger facing Starmer as the May summit draws closer and closer. If the government doesn’t come up with anything substantial, the EU’s capacity to deal with Britain diminishes. And from their perspective, look at what else they might have on their plate by that time. Trump might have stung them with tariffs. 

The Ukraine war might have ended in a way that places a massive burden on European countries, financially and diplomatically. Germany might have a chaotic new government. There are lots of challenges that are out of Europe’s hands that rank as higher priorities than tinkering around the edges of a deal with Britain that most European leaders are perfectly happy with. 

Starmer should start thinking about what cards he holds as the summit approaches. It’s no secret that the EU is seriously worried about Trump. Britain could absolutely bring something to the table on security that would mutually benefit both the EU and the UK. The PM must also get over this hurdle on youth mobility, showing he has the courage to face down arch Brexiteers – whose resistance to such a scheme is a fringe view. 

These are just a couple of suggestions. But the government needs to get moving on the reset now that they’ve finally got a date in the diary to discuss it. If they don’t, Britain risks slipping further and further down the EU’s to-do list.